By Sifelani Tsiko
Harare, Zimbabwe (Nov 1 2006)
The death of former apartheid hard-liner PW Botha on Oct 31 at his home in the Western Cape was met with the indifference of silence and without a premium that is often bestowed on politicians, stars and celebrities when they die.

The death of former apartheid strongman was no major news and South Africans did not come to a complete stop neither did people in the entire southern African region who endured destabilisation acts of sabotage orchestrated by PW Botha and his security agents.

It is doubtful if his death will be followed by weepy anniversaries in the future. News about his death did not send any shockwaves and political analysts say he is unlikely to get a stone in any monument park in South Africa or a scholarship in his name or at worst as some put it, a commemorative patch in his honour.

"Its painful to say this, cold and cruel fact, but as they say about the truth, it hurts," said a Zimbabwean political commentator. "Many people died because of PW Botha's policies and war machinery. I've no tears for him but I will not forget his brutal legacy."

No sane person will stand in the pulpit and call him 'baasskop' or a hero. In death, the memory of PW Botha will be tied to his brutal apartheid rule which led to the death of more than 2 000 people and detention of more than 25 000 others without trial and often tortured.

To make matters worse, the architect of the segregatory system and violent destabilisation policies against Front Line states remained an unrepentant racist until his demise.

This was inspite of the hand of reconciliation extended to him by blacks when South Africa after the first democratic elections in 1994.

Early this year, in a filmed interview which was snubbed by a string of radio and television networks, South Africa's last hard-line apartheid advocate, Botha, said  he did not regret a moment of his decade in power and denied blacks were considered inferior under white supremacist rule.

He arrogantly said that South Africa would be "in the drain" by now if blacks had gained power in the 1960s. Botha remained unrepentant throughout his life and only resurfaced to attack the government of President Thabo Mbeki. His highly repressive rule during his 1978-1987 tenure, his contempt for the new black government by refusing to appear before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission which probed abuses of the past, the destabilisation policies in Front Line states and his support for extremist white movements all made him unpopular.

Because of his unrepentant attitude, people never really warmed up to his personality and many never cared much upon hearing news about his death.

He was mostly relegated to the shadows of his brutal legacy in which he sought to crush liberation movements -the ANC, South African Communist Party and the PAC.

A general news survey of the South African media showed that Botha's death was not part of people's plans and thoughts and his status in the minds of the black majority never changed much.

He got an 'average Joe treatment' with the ruling African National Congress extending its sympathy and condolences to the family and friends of PW Botha.   

In a statement, the ANC wished Botha's family "strength and comfort at this difficult time." President Mbeki's teenage son and a brother were killed by apartheid agents, but his government extended an olive branch and offered a state-assisted funeral for Botha.

Newspapers in South Africa quoted his successor FW de Klerk, saying: "Botha had been a hard man to like but deserved credit for initiating contacts with the ANC."

"Personally, my relationship with PW Botha was often strained. I did not like his overbearing leadership style and was opposed to the intrusion of the State Security Council system into virtually every facet of government," de Klerk was quoted saying.

"I should like to honour PW Botha for the enormous contribution that he made to preparing the way to the new South Africa."

Said Pik Botha, who served as PW Botha's foreign minister: "He was full of humour, wit, that sort of thing but when it came to official work he was a very effective organiser."

'Temperamental at times, I think he was sometimes a bit on the authoritarian side, yet he gave me a relatively free hand." (in negotiations with neighbouring southern African states).

Helen Suzman, the only white MP who gave Botha's regime a torrid time said he should not be remembered fondly.
"He was never a friend of mine. In fact, he was my bete noire when I was in parliament. He was very irritable, bad tempered," she said.

Africans will never cease to hold him responsible for the heinous crimes and injustices he perpetrated against blacks inside South Africa and across the borders in Frontline States.

Botha, once feared as the "Great Crocodile' will be front page news for a few days and no more, with a few shedding 'crocodile tears' for the former apartheid strongman.

"Wafa wanaka," a Shona (Zimbabwe's widely spoken language) saying demands that people respect the dead and not say any bad things about them. This saying, captures the culture of forgiveness more prevalent among African traditions.

And, when you peel away status, we are all humans with flaws. Nobody is more special than anyone else and his memory deserves humanity to reflect more on sensitive and emotive issues of racial hatred, racial harmony, reconciliation and co-existence.