Battle for Zimbabwe II
 

 

 
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

   

 

By
 Sifelani Tsiko

Harare, Zimbabwe (May 19 2008)
   THE epic battle for
Zimbabwe’s number one job has been set for June 27 and
President Robert Mugabe of Zanu PF will be embroiled
in a bruising fight with Morgan Tsvangirai who is
still riding on a wave of confidence following his
narrow win in the first round of the presidential
contest on March 29.
 
Mugabe, the veteran politician, lost narrowly in the
March 29 poll for the first time in 28 years to
Tsvangirai. In the presidential poll results announced
on May 2, Tsvangirai won 1 195 562 votes (47,9
percent) while Mugabe polled 1 079 730 (43,2 percent)
while the other two contestants Simba Makoni and
little known Langton Towungana polled 207 470 (8,3
percent) and 14 503 (0,6 percent) respectively.
 
None of the presidential contestants managed to secure
the required majority to win outright and form the
government.
 
According to Zimbabwean laws if no candidate gets 51
percent, a run off must be held in 21 days.
 
But owing to a number of logistical and financial
reasons, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission set June 27
as the D-Day for the polls which will decide the
winner of the presidential race.
 
Whoever wins in the run-off, automatically obtains an
absolute majority unless there is a tie, in which case
Parliament sits as an electoral college to elect the
President.
 
Zimbabwe is once again hogging the limelight –the
psychological war between the country’s major
political parties –Zanu PF and MDC-Tsvangirai, the
raging political motivated violence, the difficult
economic situation in the country characterized by
inflation pegged at 355 000 percent and shortages of
basic commodities and other essential services.
 
All this aside, the major talk in bars, kombis,
football matches and other social gatherings is who
will win the June 27 poll.
 
“If Zanu (PF) succeeds in getting all its disenchanted
supporters to vote in the run-off, Mugabe will be home
and dry. If it doesn’t, it would be bye-bye for the
84-year-old revolutionary,” wrote Baffour Ankomah in
the New African.
 
“The urban areas, desperately wanting a change from
the economic hardships and collapse of essential
services (like water, electricity, fuel supply and
maize meal), will as usual, vote massively for their
traditional candidate, Tsvangirai. But demography is
not on their side. Figures show that only 20 percent
of the voting population live in urban areas while the
rest live in Zanu’s rural heartland where the land
issue still resonates most.”
 
Zanu PF party politicians say the playing ground was
not even and was biased in favour of the
MDC-Tsvangirai party which got huge support from the
western governments and media and won votes out of the
pain arising from the imposition of sanctions on the
government.
 
Mugabe and his supporters say Britain and its Western
allies have worked consistently to overthrow them,
first by creating and funding the opposition MDC party
and what they say are the ‘so-called’ civil society
groups working against the government.
 
“These charges have been routinely dismissed and
rubbished by Britain and its friends, but it has not
stopped Harare from insisting that, by imposing
economic and other sanctions on the country, Britain
and its allies are seeking to ‘make the economy
scream’ a la Chile under Salvadore Allende in the
early 1970s when American dirty tricks induced the
collapse of the Chilean economy which eventually led
to the overthrow of Allende’s government and his
assassination in a military coup in 1973,” Ankomah
says.
 
“The trick has always been to gradually wear down the
people of a targeted country via economic hardships
and thus push them slowly towards an imaginary
‘tipping point’ from where they will kick out the
government. The ‘tipping point’ has almost been
reached in Zimbabwe and the results of the 29 March
elections were just a reflection and confirmation of
that fact.
 
“In other words, the people voted with their stomach.”
 
Critics and the opposition deny this and accuse Mugabe
of mismanaging the economy.
 
“There is no way Zanu PF can win a transparent
election in Zimbabwe considering the mess in which the
country is in,” Brian Ngwenya, a University of
Zimbabwe political analyst was quoted saying. “The
tide of change is so strong and cannot be stopped by
violence.”
 
Others argued that the state of the economy and social
service have made Mugabe ‘unelectable.’
 
“The electorate is resolute –Mugabe must go. No amount
of murder, torture and assault will discourage the
people of Zimbabwe from voting out Mugabe and Zanu
PF,” a Harare-based political analyst was quoted
saying.
 
Adds prominent Zimbabwe academic Eldred Masunungure:
“Zanu PF has realized that violence was the missing
factor in the just-ended elections and this time
around they are going to use it to ensure victory for
Mugabe.
 
“In the March elections Mugabe used (donations of)
buses, computers, generators and enhanced civil
service salaries but still lost. For them, violence is
the only means for a clear win for Mugabe.”
 
Other political observers say a win by Mugabe in the
June 27 presidential election run-off against MDC’s
Morgan Tsvangirai will render the country ungovernable
given that there is now hung parliament.
 
Political analysts describe a hung parliament as one
in which no one political party has an outright
majority.
 
In the March 29 elections, no party won an absolute
majority in either the House of Assembly or Senate.
 
In the Lower House of the Zimbabwe Parliament, the
Tsvangirai-led MDC won 99 seats, Zanu PF 97 and the
other MDC headed by Arthur Mutambara 10. Another seat
went to independent candidate Jonathan Moyo, who was
backed in the polls by the MDC-Tsvangirai.
 
The two MDC factions have since agreed to work
together giving them a combined total of 110 seats
against Zanu PF’s 97. Moyo backs the MDC. In the
senate, the combined MDC and Zanu PF are tied with 30
seats each and it is the result of the presidential
run-off that would decide which party will control the
chamber.
 
Whoever wins the run-off will have the power to
appoint 10 provincial governors and five other
non-constituency senators. The other 18 seats would be
occupied by traditional chiefs.
 
There is a clear case of a hung parliament and in such
cases, political analysts say there is need for
cooperation between the parties in parliament.
 
If there is no cooperation, then the country will be
ungovernable, they say.
 
“President Mugabe’s choices are limited, but he can
dissolve parliament and call for fresh elections in
the hope that he will garner more seats than the
opposition," Masunungure argues.
 
Political analysts feel strongly that it would be
impossible for Mugabe to push new legislation through
parliament, as the MDC would not assent to any Bill in
the House of Assembly.
Chances were high that the MDC could refuse to pass
budget or Finance Bills and this would be mean a vote
of no confidence in the president and government,
which must dissolve parliament.
 
"If President Mugabe has to pass laws such as the
Finance Bill and if parliament rejects it, then it
would be difficult to rule the country in parliament’s
current state," Masunungure says.
 
At the moment both sides are upbeat that they will the
June 27 run-off. Zanu PF has oiled its machinery and
seems ready to see its leader win the crucial
election.
 
Tsvangirai too, is confident on the back of an earlier
win. His supporters even say he is the ‘president in
waiting.’
 
Zanu PF, political observes say, needs to spruce up
its image, campaign messages and work to arrest the
deteriorating economy, shortages of basic commodities,
shortages of electricity, water and deteriorating
infrastructure and inflation.
 
“Zanu PF’s messages at the rallies was also not
effective. It was long on the liberation war and short
on the way out of the economic hardships. While the
history was fine, people were yearning to hear about
their stomachs and how the current difficulties were
being or going to be resolved. That message was
lacking,” Ankomah noted.
 
In contrast, he said, MDC- Tsvangirai ran a slick
campaign and promised that their ‘friends’ abroad had
$10 billion at the ready to heal the economy at a
stroke in the wake of a Tsvangirai victory.
 
MDC adverts in the media were better and sharper than
Zanu PF’s, he observed.
 
“The simple catchphrase: “I am Morgan. You need more.
And I need your vote,” caught attention better than
Zanu’s many long-winded messages,” he said.
 
“Tsvangirai’s campaign was also hugely aided by six
anti-Mugabe weekly newspapers (three based in Harare,
two from South Africa and one from the UK and all
freely distributed in Zimbabwe’s urban areas). The
tore Mugabe and Zanu into shreds week after week.
 
“There were also the Voice of America’s Studio 7
broadcasting propaganda into Zimbabwe from Washington
DC and SW Africa Radio doing the same from the UK. All
together this gave “Morgan is More” an advantage over
Zanu PF in terms of media messages.”
 
Zanu PF has launched its June 27 campaign message:
“Total empowerment, Total Independence.” MDC is yet to
launch its own. Again, the Zanu PF catch is still
lacking in terms of winning the ‘stomach vote.’
 
The name of the winner is buried deep inside the womb
of June 27. Only then are we going to know the winner.
 
 

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